TIME: Almanac of the 20th Century

home *** CD-ROM | disk | FTP | other *** search

/ TIME: Almanac of the 20th Century / TIME, Almanac of the 20th Century.ISO / 1920 / 20russia < prev next >

Wrap

Text File | 1994-02-27 | 22KB | 449 lines

<text> <title> (1920s) Russia </title> <history> TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1920s Highlights </history> <link 07899> <link 03790> <link 00019><article> <source>Time Magazine</source> <hdr> Russia </hdr> <body> [Meanwhile, the motherland of Socialism was making a slow comeback from the horrors of War Communism under the "New Economic Program" (1921-28), which gave small-time capitalism a temporary reprieve in the interest of ending widespread famine and reviving industry. After Lenin's death in January 1924, however, Josef Stalin began systematically to discredit, humiliate and purge all those who opposed his rise to total power, starting with Leon Trotsky, War Lord of the Red forces that won the civil war for Lenin and by far the most popular leader in the Soviet Union. It was a slow process that was to culminate in the Moscow "show trials" of the mid-1930s. Trotsky himself escaped to exile and was spared the ignominy of public self-abasement, but died in Mexico by an assassin's bullet in 1940.] (JANUARY 28, 1924) In his country villa at Gorky, a little town near Moscow, Vladimir Lenin, Premier of Soviet Russia, suffered a paralysis of his respiratory organs, and died. His body was taken to Moscow, where it lay in state pending burial in the Kremlin. On Christmas day, and again on New Year's day, Lenin had been out hunting rabbits, and was said to be much improved. Lenin had been absent from the Kremlin, center of Soviet rule, for nearly two years. (FEBRUARY 4, 1924) Lenin died Monday, Jan. 21. On the following Sunday at 4 p.m. he was buried in Moscow. In the interval "the greatest number of people who had ever looked upon the same corpse" (exact number unspecified) passed before his body which lay in state. All of them had stood in line in the streets of Moscow for 10, 20, 30 hours, in inhuman cold, registered by the thermometer as 10, 20 and even 30 degrees below zero. During one of the five days of All Russian procession, a blizzard raged. Sparrows fell frozen in the street. Ice covered the horses of the guards. Still the people came, from Moscow and from miles around. * * * [Stalin, Stalin, Stalin. Nothing so disagrees as prophecy, yet there has been scarcely a comment as to Russia's future that has not mentioned Stalin, Commissar of Police. It is the name that came out of Russia last year. It is an assumed name--a derivative from the Russian word for "steel." Russians think he resembles inflexible steel. He was, they say, Lenin's most intimate friend in the inner Communist circle. "Minister of Nationalities," he was chiefly responsible for binding the outlying provinces to the Soviet regime. He himself came from Georgia--was once a clerk there. The other two members of the triumvirate supposed to succeed Lenin are Jews--Zinoviev and Kamenev, brother-in-law of Trotsky.] (JULY 21, 1924) Grigori Zinoviev became President of the Executive Committee of the Third International for the second time; the names of War Lord Trotsky and Karl Radek, two erstwhile powers of Communism, were dropped. This is obviously in retaliation for both Trotsky's and Redek's criticism of the Communist Party, but it is exceedingly doubtful if the former, who is said to be popular in Russia, can be ousted from the Committee with impunity. (DECEMBER 8, 1924) While rumors of peasant revolts were gurgitating in the Russian provinces. Leon Trotsky, brother-in-law of the late Lenin and Supreme War Lord of the Red Army, was being hauled over the coals by certain of his brother "Bolshecrats." A resolution passed against him by Communist Comrades said: "Trotsky broke his pledge to the Party Congress to abstain from activities which might imperil Party unity. His present activities might engage the party in a renewed controversy, which is not wanted and would be dangerous." A move, backed by Stalin, Kamenev, Rykov, Zinoviev, Sokolnikov and others of Moscow's hierarchy, was started to oust the War Lord from the Polit-Buro or Bolshevik Cabinet. His political demise was foreshadowed. (FEBRUARY 23, 1925) "Trotsky for many years was not a Bolshevist at all; then he became one at intervals and finally relapsed into his original anti-Bolshevism." Thus said Grigori Zinoviev, boss of the Third (Communist) International, ex-War Lord Trotsky's most intractable foe. He thereupon dismissed the disgraced Trotsky from his duties on the Council of Labor and Defense, thus depriving him of his last Government position. As a final mark of his disgrace, the Triumvirate (Stalin, Zinoviev, Kamenev) ordered Trotsky's magnificent train--it included a diner, sleeper, library car and was fitted with a printing press and a radio set--to be uncoupled and put on the regular railway service. The 150 men employed on the train have been discharged. Sic transit gloria Trotsky!. (APRIL 13, 1925) Last week's dispatches told a simple story and, like many such, its significance was great. The story was that Bolshevik Russia had reformed its internal trade policy, permitted private capitalists to operate, begun what was known as the "`Newest' Economic Policy." In 1921, Lenin the Late promulgated his N.E.P. (New Economic Policy)--inviting foreign capital to exploit Russian concessions sharing profits with the Government--which virtually marked the receding of the waves of Communism from the shores of Capitalism. It was a fearless step to save Russia from economic ruin. It showed that Moscow Communists, whatever else they were, were not afraid to admit their errors and rectify them; but the Party held many die-hards, notably ex-War Lord Trotsky. The N.E.P. was kept in force until 1923. Private traders began to gain confidence. The Government flirted with foreign Powers. The Russian Bear began to raise itself on its bony haunches. At the end of 1923, the Communist intransigents triumphed, began a drive against the capitalists. The N.E.P. went largely by the board. The year 1924 in Russia was economically and politically rotten. The country went from bad to worse. Co-operative trading between town and village broke down; industrial unrest assumed alarming proportions at Leningrad and Moscow; the peasants stuck more closely than ever to their hoarded grain; the capitalists such few as there were, were hounded into inactivity. The Russian Bear sank down exhausted on its empty belly. Starvation was once more a reality. Discontent was growing more difficult to control. Elaborate propaganda failed to screen the actualities of a situation that was not far from desperate. Last week, came acknowledgement of blunder, speedy reforms, promises of more, assurances that the change of Government's policy was "meant seriously and for a long period." Under the Newest Economic Policy, private capitalists will enjoy the same privilege as Government monopolies, trusts and cooperatives. Bolshevik banks will extend credit, taxes will be lowered, private property restored. Practically all administrative and economic pressure on internal trade was removed. (APRIL 27, 1925) M. Stalin, chief of the Communist Party, and a member, with Kamenev and Zinoviev, of the so-called Bolshevik Triumvirate, last week addressed peasants' representatives, promised to grant land leases to the peasants for at least 20 years, perhaps 40 years, perhaps in perpetuity, which means unconditional return to private ownership. The peasant representatives, who had threatened not to sow crops or to improve the land unless long leases were made and guaranteed, were flabbergasted, as well they might be. They asked if this new policy did not run counter to the Bolshevik Constitution and received in reply from Stalin: "We wrote the Constitution. We can change it also." [The gentle breezes of the N.E.P. could not blow away the dark cloud of Stalin's despotism. The "testiment of submission" signed by Trotsky, Zinoviev and Kamenev looked ahead to the coerced confessions of the show trials.] (OCTOBER 25, 1926) Josef Stalin dictates at Moscow, having overthrown Leon Trotsky and many another. Recently M. Trotsky and other anti-Stalinites, notably MM. Zinoviev and Kamenev, have been rumored to be gathering strength for a war of propaganda against the man of steel. Last week M. Stalin, no office holder but the despotic "boss" of the Communist Party, rapped out three orders. Leon Trotsky and his malcontents were commanded to cease their opposition to the dictator's will. For an hour they temporized, then found courage for battle ebbing. Next day the supremacy of Josef Stalin stood once more unquestioned as the press of Russia blazoned a humble testiment of submission signed by Trotsky, Zinoviev, Kamenev: "We consider it our duty to openly recognize before the party that in the fight for our views we and our followers on a number of occasions permitted ourselves to take steps which are in violation of party discipline and which tend to split the party. "Considering these steps unconditionally wrong, we declare that we definitely give up fractional methods of defense of our views because of the danger of such methods for the unity of the party." (DECEMBER 6, 1926) Like a stern grey cat clawing feathers one by one from a gaudy canary Dictator Stalin of Russia has spent eleven months mercilessly divesting of his powers the once great Grigori Zinoviev, "spiritual son of Lenin," "bomb-boy of Bolshevism," arch-director of plots in every land to subvert world capitalism. Last week M. Zinoviev molted the last feather of his prestige when he was forced to resign as President of the Third International, the Communist world bureau for subversion, espionage and odd job propaganda. When the Third International Conference met at the Kremlin to choose a new president, Dictator Stalin snapped his whip and Nikolai Bukharin whom Stalin had already placed in the vice presidency was elected President. (JANUARY 30, 1928) Twenty minutes past nine was the historic hour. Sullen but docile Russians had slowly gathered, drifting in to the number of 1,500. Now they waited, massed before the great railway terminus at Moscow, shuffling and shivering beneath cold stars, but ready to shout. "Long live Trotsky!" and then "Farewell! Farewell..." He came at 9:19, surrounded by agents of the Secret Police. Wan and pallid he strode impassively into the station, stepping quickly, clad in an old, serviceable military cloak. At that symbol the crowd cheered, remembering that Lev Davidovich Trotsky had appeared thus when he organized and commanded the Red Army of 1,500,000 men. Today, however, Trotsky is as threadbare as his cloak. Man and symbol they passed, last week, into a drab railway car which rumbled out of Moscow at twenty minutes after nine. The crowd, moved but still perfectly docile, fell to sobbing plenteous Russian tears, murmured, "Trotsky is gone. Trotsky! Oh how sad..." Where did he go? Why was he banished? The last question must be answered first. Lev Davidovich Trotsky and 50 more prominent Soviet politicians were banished, last week, because they had attempted to lead an opposition wing in the Russian Communist Party, a party which brooks no opposition. By command of Soviet Dictator Josef Stalin, the oppositionists had been cast out of the party and expelled from the Soviet Parliament. Trotsky was scheduled to speed by rail from Moscow across European Russia, traverse the broad Volga, proceed again by rail through the steppes of Kirghiz and to the end of the line in the mountains of Turkestan. Thence he would pass by caravan over more mountains and steppes to remote Vyernyi, topping the uplands of Semirechensk, and distant some 150 miles from the Chinese frontier, 1,800 miles as the crow flies from Moscow, and 500 miles from the border of India. For years "Bomb Boy of Bolshevism" Grigori Evseevich Zinoviev directed Soviet subversive propaganda throughout the world. Last week Zinoviev, once a world menace, went submissively into exile at Tambov, in central Russia, only 280 miles from Moscow. So lenient a sentence resulted from the fact that he and his followers have renounced their recent alliance with the truculent Trotsky faction and now petition humbly to be reinstated in the Communist Party. [By decades end, Bukharin, who had replaced Zinoviev, had already followed him into disgrace. The revolution was devouring its children.] * * * [The N.E.P. was too good to last. It spared the vast majority of the Soviet population Stalin's total control. It also was not yielding either enough foreign exchange from grain sales abroad or enough capital to finance the rapid industrialization Stalin was calling for, with steel mills, dams and tractor factories to show the world the might of Communism. In 1927, the harvest was poor, the peasants hoarded grain and refused to take the government's money because there was nothing worthwhile to spend it on. There followed strong-arm confiscations by 30,000 party workers, as in the bad old days of War Communism, and a Stalin-directed propaganda campaign against Kulaks, a term derived from the Russian word for fist and meaning a grasping, greedy peasant. The regime classed as Kulaks all so-called rich peasants, but in fact all peasants, of whatever degree of well-being, hated the regime for it confiscations of crops and for its betrayal of the peasant support that had helped Lenin and Stalin come to power.] (NOVEMBER 26, 1928) With stark, brutal candor the Soviet State announced, last week, through its official news organ Isvestia, that savage and murderous resistance to the Soviet Power is now being made by members of the Kulak or "Rich Peasant" class--the class most relentlessly taxed by Moscow's sovereign Proletariat. Doubled was the gravity of this grim account when it appeared how widespread are the areas where red flames reared high, last week, and crude Kulak butcher knives carved the white flesh of "women as well as men." Named as trouble centers by Isvestia were Irkutsk in Siberia, Minsk and Smolensk in White Russia, Kiev in the Ukraine, and three important towns on the upper, middle and lower Volga River--Yarosalve, Samara and Stalingrad. The Kulak murders of last week did not foreshadow a revolt of the peasantry as a whole, but unquestionably they troubled the minds and frayed the nerves of the statesmen who rule Russia from Moscow's thick-walled and tall-towered Kremlin. During the past twelvemonth the Dictator tried to increase grain production by creating enormous state farms (worked by proletarians) and by sending Communist instructors to coach small farmers in methods for increasing the yield of their arms. Naturally this procedure threatened to undermine the locally monopolistic position of the Kulaks and tended to force down still further the price at which the State could compel producers to sell grain. The arson and murder of last week are very largely explained by the despair of the Kulaks at this new situation. They burnt fields and barns of State-grown grain. They murdered Communist workers who were teaching the peasants and proletarians-turned-farmers to grow bigger crops. Naturally their fury grew at times indiscriminate, inconsistent, wanton, mad. [The first Five Year Plan for the Soviet economy was announced in 1928. The next year it was followed by the forced collectivization of the 100-million-strong Russian peasantry, poor, middle-class and so-called Kulaks. By the time it ended in the 1930s, some five million people had been killed and perhaps twice that number imprisoned or sent into internal exile.] (JULY 1, 1929) The rationing system is part of a vast plan which Dictator Josef ("Steel") Stalin is relentlessly pursuing. If the rationing system pinches Russian stomachs, then that also is part of the plan, anticipated by Dictator Stalin and the Communist Party and to be borne stoically by Russians until Oct. 1, 1933, if necessary. For until that date the Soviet Government and "Boss" Stalin have thoroughly committed themselves to an economic program which is to transform the Soviet Union into an industrial giant, nourished during the next four years by a 24-billion-dollar investment in factory equipment. Of this huge sum 78% is being spent on machines to make machines, only 22% on the manufacture of goods for direct consumption. Therefore, Soviet stores have little goods on their shelves. Calico is as expensive as silk. Shiny new boots, seal of a Russian peasant's prosperity, are hard to find, harder to buy. In retaliation the peasant farmer is growing less grain than he can, because: 1) he cannot buy anything with the money he gets from his grain, and 2) the Government is levying heavy grain taxes upon him by forcing him to sell most of his crop at a low Government-fixed price (to keep the price of bread within the means of urban workers and to net the Government a profit on its exports). The fact that there is more grain planted this year is due not to peasant efforts but to State farms and co-operatives inaugurated by the Government to combat the negative attitude of the peasant. Of late, also, the Russian peasant, ingenious in his discontent, has discovered yet another way of annoying the Government. Of 9,000 peasant houses destroyed by fire in one (Samara) province last year, 3,000 were due to arson. Fire insurance paid out totaled four million rubles ($2,000,000). The peasant explains with a wink: "The peasant's cottage soon grows sick and draughty. Then comes a fire--is it an accident? The peasant gets a fine new home from the Government." A cogent scratch of the nose and then a conclusion: "They take taxes and fix a low price for grain, but little Uncle Fire is free from their control." But even here the peasant is being trammeled for recently the Government has clamped the death penalty, rare in Soviet Russia, on arson crimes. (SEPTEMBER 9, 1929) Just one year ago, Russia's famed "Man of Steel," Dictator Josef Stalin, inaugurated his drastic "Five Year Economic Program," an impressive scheme of industrial and agricultural expansion by which, by 1933, he proposed to make the Soviet Union entirely self-supporting and independent of the outside capitalistic world. Last week Dictator Stalin announced his budget for 1930, published figures which, if honest, showed astounding progress made during the first of his Five Years. Russian industrial production and Russian factory wages have been increased, Stalin declared, almost exactly according to schedule. Moreover, instead of the 21% increase in production which the Five Year Plan hopefully called for, the Soviet Union's industrial production actually increased 24% during the past twelvemonth. Only by failing to achieve notably reduced prices for manufactured goods of sustained quality did Soviet Russia fall behind her schedule. Proud of his success thus far, confident that he can jam the whole Five Year Program through, Dictator Stalin announced last week that he would add another billion dollars to Russia's budget for 1930, thus raising the Soviet Government's total expenditure to five billion dollars per annum (13% more than is spent by the U.S. Government). Further, the area of land under cultivation is to be increased by 8%, and most startling of all, Russian industrial production is to be raised 35%. (OCTOBER 28, 1929) Every autumn there is fierce squabbling and often fistic battle between Russian farmers and the Soviet grain collectors empowered to cart away the surplus portion of their crops. The collectors pay a fixed low price for what they take, perhaps a fifth of what the grain fetches at clandestine sales. Vexed peasants long ago tried "passive resistance," refused to sow more than enough grain for their personal needs. But ruthless Dictator Josef Stalin is outsmarting the peasants with a policy called "Confiscation & Collectivization." Last week he celebrated "Collectivization Day" while mujiks glowered and grumbled. When a peasant does not sow and reap on all his land it may be confiscated by the Government, proclaimed a "collectivist farm," and thereafter worked by communized cultivators who may or may not include the former owner. Last week the Government announced that 3% of all peasant farms in Russia have been thus collectivized. Five million communized yokels now toil on 60,000 collective farms comprising what were once more than 1,000,000 peasant homesteads. In these "Grain Factories" snort Ford tractors. </body> </article> </text>